America: More Than Just Europe's Reluctant Partner, But Rather a Adversary Rooted in Right-Wing Ideology

On the exact date Donald Trump received a custom-made "peace prize" from his recent ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his administration released an similarly ostentatious security policy document. This relatively brief paper is saturated with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the characteristically modest assertion that the president has brought back "our nation – and the world – back from the brink of disaster and disaster."

Even though the strategy largely formalizes the current policies and statements of Trump and his cabinet, it must be heeded as a grave warning for the world, and for Europe in particular.

A Blueprint of Intervention and Civilizational Anxiety

The document advocates for an assertive form of foreign-policy interference where the US clearly sets the goal of "fostering European strength." Its rhetoric could have been taken straight from addresses by Viktor Orbán during the so-called migration emergency of 2015-16: "We want Europe to remain European, to regain its cultural self-assurance." Even more ominously, the document claims that Europe's "financial downturn is eclipsed by the genuine and more stark prospect of cultural extinction."

The whole section dedicated to Europe is imbued with generations of European right-wing ideology and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "changing the continent and causing conflict, censorship of free expression and suppression of dissent, plummeting birthrates, and erosion of sovereign identity and self-confidence." According to the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether certain European countries will have economic power and armed forces powerful enough to remain reliable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration believes that "in a matter of years at the latest, some NATO members will become predominantly non-European."

"U.S. foreign policy should continue to champion authentic democracy, free speech, and unapologetic commemorations of European nations’ unique heritage and history."

Foundational Ideas of the Far Right

These points carry strong echoes of two theories regarded as core for contemporary right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose argument on the cyclical decline of civilizations was employed by the German far right to attack the "perversion" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more overt conspiracy theory, alleging European elites of using immigration to replace restive "native" populations and import a more submissive and reliant electorate.

It is the nativist fever dream contained in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the duty, to interfere in European affairs, the document implies. And it is clear where it sees its allies: "The United States urges its ideological partners in Europe to advance this resurgence of spirit, and the growing clout of patriotic European parties indeed gives cause for significant hope."

The Goal: "Restore European Greatness"

In other words, the US believes that it is essential to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the sole political force that can achieve this. Consequently, its "overarching strategy for Europe" focuses on "cultivating opposition to Europe’s present path within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "strengthening the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "aligned countries that want to restore their past glory" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.

While the document remains unclear on implementation, it is apparent that a priority is to pressure Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – particularly regarding far-right speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document phrases it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not treat Russia as an enemy either.

An Ideological Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a broader sense, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the 1823 policy of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to meddle in the "Americas," which he declared to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "assert and enforce a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.

This is entirely new – recall JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is published in an official document, European leaders will finally understand that the situation is serious. And if the document is too long or vague for them, it can be summarised in clear and concise terms: the current US government holds that its national security is best served by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not only an unwilling ally; it is a willing adversary. Now is time to act appropriately.